Allegations of nepotism against Indonesian president Joko Widodo and his son Gibran Rakabuming Raka, who is running for vice president in 2024, is undermining Indonesia’s democracy and threatening to create a political dynasty.

In the lead-up to the upcoming general election in Indonesia, the charge of nepotism has begun to dominate the political environment. This adds to an already heated election due to controversial decisions, the latest of which has been the decision by the Constitutional Court to raise the age limit for presidential and vice presidential candidates. 

Gibran Rakabuming Raka, the son of the incumbent president, is running for vice president despite the fact that he is only 36 years old. Under Article 169 of the Election Law candidates must be “[a]t least 40 years (forty) years old or have/are currently holding positions elected through general elections including regional head elections.” Anwar Usman who, as the Chief Justice of the Constitutional Court of Indonesia, was able to change the law, is both uncle to Gibran Rakabuming Raka and brother-in-law to Joko Widodo.  

Unsurprisingly, this decision has led to speculation that the president has interfered in the election in the interests of his son, and to the nation’s detriment.   

After the ruling was made official, Prabowo Subianto, chairman of the Gerindra Party and presidential candidate, picked Gibran as his vice presidential running mate. The announcement clearly attracted attention from many circles of society, both young and old.  

Many also think that Gibran does not have much experience in politics, with his political journey extending to less than half a decade. This was also evident from his performance in the presidential debate, which was considered far from the substance and issues required by the candidates. Gibran broke the debate rules several times by leaving the podium, which further led to questions about his ethical suitability for high office.  

Meanwhile, foreign media has linked Gibran’s selection as a vice presidential candidate to his relatives, calling him “Nepotism Baby.”   

Ubedilah Badrun, a socio-political analyst from the State University of Jakarta, said that it is only natural that President Widodo, Gibran, and Anwar Usman should be reported to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) due to allegations of nepotism. During Jokowi’s administration, both his son and son-in-law were elected to serve as mayors, and subsequently party chair. 

However, according to the results of the latest presidential and vice presidential electability poll for 2024 from Charta Politika this January, Prabowo Subianto and Gibran Rakabuming Raka topped the list with 42.2 percent favourability, followed by Ganjar Pranowo and Mahfud Md at 28 percent, and Anies Baswedan and Muhaimin Iskandar with 26.7 percent (3.1 percent chose not to answer). 

The high electability of Prabowo and Gibran is thought to be because many of Jokowi’s supporters in the previous election supported Prabowo. There is some speculation that this is why Gibran was eventually paired with Prabowo, as part of a Jokowi strategy to continue a political dynasty. 

Unsurprisingly, Jokowi’s neutrality in the 2024 election has been questioned. According to the Indonesian Survey Institute, 28.7 percent of the public believes that Jokowi has openly sided with Prabowo and his son. Recently Jokowi also said that the president could campaign and take sides in the 2024 presidential election, as long as he did not use state facilities. 

Implications if Gibran wins  

There are at least a few implications if Gibran is elected vice president this year. The first is the consideration that corruption and nepotism in government will proliferate, which is seen as being far worse than the under New Order era of President Soeharto. 

Second, there are concerns about increasing public anger and the potential for a broader societal rejection of Prabowo and Gibran, post-election. If the public feels that Gibran’s position as vice presidential candidate is the result of an abuse of power that should not be supported, widespread protests will breed instability and damage Indonesia’s reputation further.  

Third, policies undertaken by Gibran will likely continue the programs that his father has built, especially regarding critical minerals. In Jokowi’s era, policy across the critical minerals sector prioritised the interests of the oligarchy, rather than paying attention to sustainability issues. Gibran is also likely to aggressively pursue a policy of infrastructure building, which will unnecessarily burden the state further with riskier levels of debt. This will certainly torment the Indonesian people. The big projects that will almost certainly be ongoing are the New State Capital in Penajem Paser and the extension of the fast train line to Surabaya with Chinese investment. 

It is undeniable that these projects and policy positions are influenced by Jokowi and his want of a legacy. In terms of the democratic landscape, this will have a significant impact on the face of domestic politics in Indonesia now and in the future.  

Yeta Purnama is a researcher at the Center of Economic and Law Studies; Fenny Desmi Widiastuti and Tiara Ayu Fatmasari are independent researchers on Indonesian issues. 

This article is published under a Creative Commons License and may be republished with attribution.