In the past, Brazil introduced vanguard policy in the fight towards violence against women. But ultra-conservative “Bolsonarista” actors have watered down such achievements and stagnated progress towards gender equality.

Again, the international community gathers to celebrate International Women’s Day, so shouldn’t we contemplate who are the winners and losers in the fight towards gender equality globally? Over the last 50 years, Brazil has experienced significant advancement in women’s workforce representation and women’s agency. However, Brazil’s ultra-conservative surge, and traditional views towards women, represent a set back towards closing the gender gap in the country. Brazil also has one of the highest levels of violence against women and femicide in the world – a real challenge for Brazil’s strategy to bridge the gender gap, making gender inequality history.

Brazil’s gender equality figures

In recent years, Brazil’s ranking on the Global Gender Gap demonstrates relative progress in the condition of women. In 2023, Brazil climbed to 57 out of 146 countries globally as one of the least gender unequal countries worldwide. The improvement in this performance is based on indicators such as political empowerment, economic participation and opportunity, educational attainment, and health. Today, Brazil’s overall gender parity score amounts to 73 percent, with women having 27 percent less chance to excel in the workforce than men. The Global Gender Gap data shows a significant improvement in women’s workforce participation in Brazil. Still, women have more insecure employment and join the workforce at lower levels than men. And this is not all. Brazil’s Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) shows that in 2021, 72 percent of men had “formal employment” compared to only 53 percent of women, with women significantly falling behind in management roles and positions of leadership. In Brazil, those who are part of the “informal economy” do not have a paycheck, superannuation, or other employer’s benefits in the event of sickness or inability to work. Although there is tangible progress towards gender equality, Brazilian women still “lack a voice,” falling behind the global average levels of representation in politics and representation in positions of power and influence.

The underrepresentation of Brazilian women in the workforce is a symptom of deeply seated, traditional socio-cultural views on the role of women as care givers, wives, home makers and mothers.

Political representation and ultra-conservative “Bolsonaristas”

Although Brazilian women represent the majority of the Brazilian population in the 2022 elections only 91 women were elected, representing a timid 18 percent of 513 parliamentary seats. To date, this was the best female performance in Brazil’s political history.

The 2022 elections were significant for Brazil in bringing back democracy from the brink of complete erosion under far-right Jair Messias Bolsonaro of the Liberal Party. Although Bolsonaro’s re-election bid was frustrated, “Bolsonaristas” outperformed in the lower and upper house and represent a majority in Brazil’s lower house. Brazil is a divided nation, with still strong support for Bolsonarista ideals which promote stereotypical roles for women. Surprisingly, the majority of women elected for Brazil’s Congress in 2022 are of a far-right “Bolsonarista” political leaning. Leading politicians from Brazil’s ultra-conservative movement are Carla Zambelli, elected for another term in the chamber of deputies, and former Minister for Women, Families and Human Rights Damares Alves, elected for Brazil’s Senate. Zambelli has rolled out a strong anti-reproductive rights agenda. She understands that creating more opportunity for women, who have been structurally disadvantaged, makes them feel “inferior to men.” Alves is well-known for her controversial views of gender roles, and stating that “Brazil will enter a new era, where boys wear blue and girls wear pink.”

Traditional views, racial inequality, and violence towards women

In Brazil women contributing to the paid workforce still spend more hours on unpaid domestic work than men. Traditional views on gender roles and religion drive these societal expectations towards women’s contribution to family life. Who is responsible for care work is a key issue to be addressed by governments globally to advance women’s representation in high office and positions of leadership. Brazil’s women’s contribution to care work is an impediment to their career progression and for women’s empowerment in broader terms. Hours spent on invisible work undoubtedly impacts the ability for women to take more responsibilities in the workplace, and to be in the pipeline for promotions, executive roles, and leadership opportunities. With Brazil’s ultra-conservatism on the rise, and female politicians romanticising views of social reproduction, women, tradition, and religion, it is likely that progress in this space will recede.

Brazil has been one of the global pioneers in legislation to protect women against violence and the creation of police stations run by women to support victims of domestic violence. Yet, Brazil still has one of the highest numbers of violence against women globally, with 14 women physically assaulted per minute. The country’s colonisation and African slavery legacies continue to shape its distribution of wealth and Brazil’s abyssal divides between the rich and the poor. These legacies define Brazil’s winners and losers in the fight towards gender equality. According to the World Bank, race and geography increases Brazilian women’s likelihood of a violent death. In 2017, the World Bank ranked Brazil as the fifth highest in number of femicides in Latin America. The South of Brazil, predominantly of European ancestry, had the lowest rates of femicides, and the only region recording a decline in the killings of women between 2003 and 2013. Conversely, in the North and Northeast of Brazil, with higher numbers of Afro-descendants, femicides increased 70 percent during the same period. The increase was among Afro-Brazilian women and women of indigenous descent. In the Northeast region, femicides have increased among Afro-descendent women at a rate of 103 percent in the last decade. In Brazil, Indigenous women are highly vulnerable to violence, with 4.6 per 100,000 registered homicides, and with suicide rates of 5.8 per 100,000 – more than twice the national average of 2.2 females per 100,000. Women of African and Indigenous descent still experience staggering disadvantages. There is a pressing need to look at different strategies and policies to address Brazil’s domestic violence epidemic.

In a country where skin colour and socio-economic standing are key determinants of social ascension, we cannot clamp down gender inequality if its intersectional dimensions are not made a top policy priority. Violence against women affects women and their children psychologically, socially, and physically, as well as their work performance and ability to excel in all areas of life. Gender indicators measuring Brazil’s advancement in gender equality cannot disregard the country’s sky rocketing levels of violence towards women, racism, and social exclusion. Brazilian traditional views on the role of women, and their demands to look after their homes, husbands, and children are an on-going challenge to the advancement of women’s rights in the country. Regrettably, Brazil’s emerging “Bolsonarista” agenda, and ultra-conservative women in politics are likely be an impediment to future policy on women’s equal representation, and equality for all women, regardless of race and class.

Dr Flavia Bellieni Zimmermann is a Lecturer at the University of Western Australia, School of Social Sciences. She is a Brazilian political analyst and has written extensively in this field. Her research interests include Brazilian politics, society, and policy, Latin American politics, populism and nationalism, women in the global south, gender, and politics and religion.

This article is published under a Creative Commons Licence and may be republished with attribution.