Sexual Violence is a Military Strategy - Why aren’t we Talking About It?

Sexual violence in conflict zones is systematically employed as a military strategy, yet global institutions fail to address it. Urgent reforms must be initiated to ensure accountability for perpetrators, the prioritisation of women’s rights, and robust support for survivors.
The international community routinely ignores the abundance of gender-based sexual violence (GBSV) in war zones. As a War Crime, GBSV violates human rights and remains an important military strategy. Despite institutional efforts to hold accountable those actors who commit war crimes like torture and chemical warfare, sexual violence in war remains undisciplined. State action is hindered by political, media, and institutional neglect. Without holding countries to account, GBSV will continue to violate basic human rights, corrupting the international rules-based order and undermining UN human security frameworks.
Institutional framework
Sexual Violence in conflict zones remains undisciplined by our international organisations and participating state actors, who knowingly or unknowingly maintain gendered foreign and security policies. Victims rely on the strength of institutional frameworks provided by the United Nations (UN) and the International Criminal Court(ICC) to target guilty parties; however, these frameworks fail to hold perpetrators accountable, even after implementing resolutions on gender based violence, initiating court proceedings, and presenting calls to action. These measures must be amplified to set a precedent condemning such actions.
Historical background
Institutional policy frameworks limit real advancements when it comes to gender-based violence in war zones. International organisations like the UN prioritise favourable military outcomes over women’s rights by failing to support domestic judicial institutions and women’s support services. Across the international community we are seeing a return to great power politics and shifting diplomatic relationships. In this period of foreign policy transition, the Australian policy framework is being evaluated, and women’s rights must be prioritised. Despite diplomatic efforts in conflict zones, gender based sexual violence destroys the chance of peaceful resolution.
The current rules-based order is structured on the universal subordination of women, and as a result GBSV is present across the international community. Gender divisions are present in international judicial and societal structures, compounded by disparate cultural identities. For women living in warzones, experiencing food insecurity and/or overrun health systems, the situation only worsens. Currently the Democratic Republic of Congo, the “rape capital of the world,” is in the middle of such a crisis. Groups like the M23, a Rwandan-backed, Tutsi-led rebel paramilitary group also known as Congolese Revolutionary Army (defined by their use of violence and sexual assault), are targeting civilians weakened by one of the worst cases of food insecurity in recent history. Without state actor legislative reform on GBSV, the incidents escalated and, in rebel-occupied, Goma, a mass prison rape occurred. The female prisoners experienced bodily sexual violations by male inmates who acted without fear of retribution. Ultimately war zones damage institutional barriers, removing judicial consequence and revealing the true barbarity of military groups and the civilian population.
Incidents of sexual assault aren’t isolated in war and conflict; instead, they are commonplace. Major powers fail to address sexual violence by prosecuting perpetrators. Sexual violence is driven by gendered power-dynamics which can functionally and psychologically isolate victims from their communities. Sexual violence is deployed systematically to create divisions and can be considered an act of genocide under the 1948 convention. The UN and the ICC have confirmed that sexual assault and gender violence is a form of genocide since rape victims lose their interest in intimate relations, leading to a proliferation of the invading army’s progeny and limited population growth of the targeted ethnic group. In Ukraine, the rape of women is a military strategy by the Russian army intending to isolate victims, and dismantle community ties. Therefore, The UN should declare genocide in Ukraine. However, this action among others to counter sexual violence hasn’t been taken, and GBSV continues to define the nature of conflict across the world.
The media’s role in obscuring the truth
GBSV runs rampant in conflict, but our governing bodies and media fail to expose its salience in favour of maintaining positive diplomatic relations with each other and with foreign actors. The symbiosis between our governments and media has a monumental influence on public discourse. If the media were to understand the crippling reality of GBSV in war and provide insightful reports on the subject, state actors would be held accountable by the public to conduct legislative change. However, media outlets are hesitant to criticise, they fear political and social repercussions and, in some cases, the wrath of militant forces. Failing to address this topic, the media becomes complicit in not taking necessary action against GBSV, which exposes the failure of the international system to protect innocent civilians.
Actionable solutions
Nation-states are responsible for the welfare of all their citizens. They must take accountability for the actions of both their military and their military aid recipients—if not them, who else will? Comprehensive reforms across foreign policies and military strategies are necessary to re-prioritise issues. UN Signatories to GBSV resolutions must be held accountable by the UN to 1) dedicate policy and funding, 2) increase calls to action, and 3) provide dedicated foreign aid. Further enforcement mechanisms include diplomatic and monetary support being withheld, and sanctions imposed. Moreover, aid dedicated to the creation of supportive infrastructure, such as community spaces where victims can seek help and legal guidance, will assist reporting practices and reduce impunity. These centres can also be educational; informing communities of their rights, improving the dialogue on GBSV, and improving how survivors are treated. Going forward, we must set a precedent for women’s rights in conflict and enact meaningful legislation, or else the violations will continue.
At a time of great power transition, it is time to take barbarity out of the picture. Foreign policy must see improvements in all human rights. Women are being raped daily for the sake of diplomacy. Sexual violence is a war crime, an act of military power, a form of genocide, but above all, it is evil. Remove it from the playbook, or we will lose what little we have left of our humanity.
Frederika Phibbs is an International Relations and Political Science student at the Australian National University and a Marketing and Communications Intern at the AIIA.
This article is published under a Creative Commons License and may be republished with attribution.