As OECD countries move forward with marriage equality, Japan’s stance remains unchanged, with the ruling party’s religious alliances suggesting a reason for the status quo. But the majority of Japanese favour legalisation. 

Recent opinion polls in 2021 and 2023 have revealed a robust public consensus in Japan, with at least 70 percent favouring the legalisation of same-sex marriage, a sentiment that spans generations. Although the youth lead in support, a significant majority of older adults, those between ages 40 and 70, also endorse legal change. Despite this widespread public approval, Japan’s ruling party, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), remains steadfast in its stance against legalisation. In contrast, major opposition parties, including the Constitutional Democratic Party (CDP) and the Japanese Communist Party (JCP), along with Komeito, the junior coalition partner, advocate for the recognition of same-sex unions. Meanwhile, some local authorities have advanced the cause by issuing partnership certificates to same-sex couples, which confer certain benefits but fall short of the legal status of marriage. This gap in consensus highlights a critical disconnect between the Japanese public’s progressive attitude and the conservative hesitancy of the ruling elite. 

Opposition by the ruling elite stems from the deep ties between the LDP and the two religious organisations that are in opposition to same-sex marriage. One such relationship is the LDP’s ties to Sun Myung Moon’s Unification Church. This connection, dating back to the Cold War, is rooted in shared anti-communist beliefs between Moon and key figures like Nobusuke Kishi (Shinzo Abe’s grandfather) and Shintaro Abe (Abe’s father). The Unification Church is notoriously known for vocally opposing same-sex marriage, and local affiliate churches in Japan play a major role in lobbying and supporting the far-right Abe faction (Seiwakai) to halt any progress on LGBTQ rights. This faction is exemplified by comments from Mio Sugita, an incumbent lawmaker, who has stated that tax money should not support LGBTQ minorities due to their “inability” to produce children. 

The LDP also relies on the Shinto Association for Spiritual Leadership (SASL) for electoral support. The SASL is a religious interest group affiliated with approximately 80,000 shrines nationwide, and serves as a means to mobilise Shinto adherents behind the LDP. Shintoism, as a religious identity, is largely ambivalent on the topic of same-sex marriage, though the organisation adopts a stance against it. This opposition is not rooted in Shinto doctrine but is instead influenced by evangelical Christian beliefs, which the organisation leverages to justify its position. 

While other LDP politicians such as Taro Kono, Minister for Digital Transformation, support legalising same-sex marriage and promoting LGBTQ rights, these politicians form a minority group. Other factions, such as those led by Taro Aso, the former prime minister, and Fumio Kishida, the current prime minister, do not have a consensus on the issue. Kishida’s stance on same-sex marriage veers between wishing to avoid offending Japan’s sexual minorities (especially in his action of firing his former secretary that expressed homophobic remarks) to maintaining his own belief that Japan is “not ready” to legalise same-sex marriage. Kishida has been mostly “deferential” to the forces within the LDP that oppose it, pushing through, for instance, a watered-down LGBTQ “understanding” bill that many critics say does not provide any human rights guarantees to sexual minorities. Despite all the talk by the Kishida administration to formally cut all ties to the Unification Church through actions such as purging the Abe faction from the administration, the LDP’s conservative legacy is deep and, so far, unchanging. 

The views of the LDP, the Unification Church, and the Association of Shinto Shrines do not reflect a broad, nationwide support base. These organisations primarily serve to mobilise specific voter groups during elections, illustrating that their impact is more tactical than reflective of widespread societal beliefs. This distinction hints at potential shifts in political strategies as public opinion continues to evolve in favor of same-sex marriage. As public opinion in Japan shifts on the issue, there is hope that one day Japan will move towards legalising same-sex marriage, particularly since the LDP will increasingly need votes from the public outside of their core constituencies to win.  

Anthony Tran Nguyen is a doctoral student in the Political Science department at the University of California, Davis.  

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